In March 2002 the Barcelona convention took the initiative to „remove disincentives to female labour force participation and strive, taking into account the demand for childcare facilities and in line with national patterns of provision, to provide childcare by 2010 to at least 90% of children between 3 years old and the mandatory school age and at least 33% of children under 3 years of age“ (EU Com 2008) The expansion of child care facilities are intended to increase parents‘ labor market participation, especially of women, and thus help to encourage gender equality. These Barcelona objectives were an integral part of the European Strategy for Growth and Employment (ibidem). In fact, female labour participation constantly increased during the last few years. Many European countries already show high enrollment rates for pre-school-aged children. But the supply of child care provision for under the age of three is in many European member states still underdeveloped (Esping-Anderson 2011: 126). This paper documents which initiatives and measures were taken to develop the child care facilities in three European countries: Austria, Italy and Germany as examples for a conservative welfare state (Esping-Anderson 1990) will be analyzed in comparative case studies. All three countries share an emphasis on the centrality of the family in targeting material needs and approving an institutional gendered division of paid and domestic work (Esping-Anderson 1999: 83). The focus of this work will be on the first age group of the Barcelona objectives, those under age three. The aim of the present paper is to find out explanatory factors for the still existent gap between demand and supply of child care provision for those under age three by considering nationally implemented laws and regulations as well as labor market developments and cultural preferences in all three countries. Finally, the question should therefore be asked: why Austria, Italy and Germany did not meet the Barcelona objectives to achieve at least a coverage rate of 33% of child care facilities for children under 3 years old?
The following section gives a short descriptive overview of recent family policies in Austria, Germany and Italy in reference to the realization of the Barcelona objectives.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Germany: Piecewise expansion of the childcare infrastructure
2.1 Continuing regional diversity in public childcare
2.2 A forward transition towards a dual-earner model?
3. Italy: Almost frozen family policies: A challenge for Italian women
3.1 High pre-school child care provision, but low female employment
3.2 Regional pioneers within national established gender roles
4. Austria: “Policy-mix” and enduring traces of the “Black-Blue-Government”
4.1 High female- part-time rates and poor supply of child care services for under three
4.2 Expansion of central and regional public investment in childcare
5. Common challenges and barriers to achieve the Barcelona Objectives
Objectives and Topics
This paper examines why Austria, Italy, and Germany have struggled to meet the Barcelona objective of providing childcare for at least 33% of children under three years old. By analyzing these nations as examples of conservative welfare states, the research identifies explanatory factors—such as labor market structures, national legislation, and cultural preferences—that contribute to the ongoing gap between childcare demand and supply.
- Comparative analysis of family policy in conservative welfare states.
- Evaluation of the "most similar case design" methodology in social policy research.
- Impact of regional disparities on childcare accessibility and provision.
- Analysis of the transition from traditional male breadwinner models to dual-earner frameworks.
- The influence of national legislation and political coalitions on family policy outcomes.
Excerpt from the Book
3.2 Regional pioneers within national established gender roles
As Giaccone (2006) stated in a report from the European Working Conditions Observatory (EWCO), traditional gender roles still predominate in Italian society and this is reflected in institutional and companies structures. Since the 1990s when issues about declining fertility rates and gender equality entered the public discourse, one law was approved to in the area of kindergartens for under age three in 1998: “[T]he centre-left government … law (285/1997) […] stipulated a universal right for children to a quota of education services. This law, which was based on the principle of co-financing (by local governments and private bodies), did not have a direct impact on the number of childcare places for the under-3s, but it stimulated a number of innovative services” (Naldini/Saraceno 2008: 741). This legislative change did not directly increase the coverage, but indirectly provided a greater acceptance of the service demand for families. Also, the center-right Berlusconi government from 2001-06 promoted the creation of services for those under three at the work place, which unfortunately had shortcomings in reference to funding and constitutional responsibility between regions and state (ibidem). Furthermore institutional ambiguity explains why in some regions independent legislative initiatives were initiated, for example in Emilia Romagna, Tuscany, Liguria and Umbria. The law of Emilia Romagna, the region with the highest coverage rate emphasis the children’s right to be educated from age 0-6 (Andreotti/Sabatinelli (2005) cited by Naldini/Saraceno 2008: 744).
All in all, the low supply of childcare services for those under three, combined with a relatively long but poorly paid parental leave and a still strong influence of the catholic church impede a gender equalized work–family conciliation. Accordingly, Saraceno (2010) defines the welfare state’s outcome as persistent ‘familialism by default’ to label the missing publicly provided alternatives to family care and financial support.
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: This chapter defines the research scope, focusing on the Barcelona objectives and the failure of Austria, Germany, and Italy to meet the 33% childcare coverage target for children under three.
2. Germany: Piecewise expansion of the childcare infrastructure: The chapter explores the evolution of German family policy from a traditional male breadwinner model toward a more diverse, though regionally fragmented, system of public childcare.
2.1 Continuing regional diversity in public childcare: This section details the persistent disparities in childcare availability between former East and West German regions and the impact of the socialist legacy on current infrastructure.
2.2 A forward transition towards a dual-earner model?: This analysis examines whether recent policy shifts, such as parental leave reforms, are effectively transitioning Germany toward a modern dual-earner society.
3. Italy: Almost frozen family policies: A challenge for Italian women: This chapter argues that the Italian family policy system has remained largely static, failing to adapt to the changing needs of working women.
3.1 High pre-school child care provision, but low female employment: The text contrasts the relatively high availability of pre-school care for older children with the persistent low female employment rates and the lack of support for the under-three age group.
3.2 Regional pioneers within national established gender roles: This section highlights how individual regions in Italy have acted as pioneers in developing innovative childcare services despite a stagnant national policy framework.
4. Austria: “Policy-mix” and enduring traces of the “Black-Blue-Government”: The chapter investigates how opposing political ideologies have led to a disjointed "policy-mix" in Austria, primarily relying on cash transfers rather than direct infrastructure development.
4.1 High female- part-time rates and poor supply of child care services for under three: This part correlates the lack of childcare infrastructure with the high prevalence of part-time employment among Austrian women.
4.2 Expansion of central and regional public investment in childcare: The chapter discusses recent government efforts to invest in childcare expansion while noting the continuing reliance on "freedom of choice" as a justification for service gaps.
5. Common challenges and barriers to achieve the Barcelona Objectives: This concluding analysis synthesizes the shared obstacles—decentralization, regional inequality, and deep-seated cultural attitudes—that prevent all three nations from fully realizing the Barcelona targets.
Keywords
Barcelona Objectives, Childcare Infrastructure, Conservative Welfare State, Family Policy, Female Labor Participation, Gender Equality, Dual-Earner Model, Regional Disparities, Social Policy, Work-Family Reconciliation, Maternal Leave, Child Promotion Act, Parental Benefit, Familialism, Institutional Reform
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the fundamental focus of this research paper?
The paper evaluates the failure of three conservative welfare states—Austria, Germany, and Italy—to achieve the European Union's Barcelona objectives, specifically the requirement to provide childcare for at least 33% of children under the age of three by 2010.
What are the primary thematic areas addressed?
The central themes include the evolution of family policy, the impact of national legislation on labor market participation, the transition from traditional breadwinner models, and the persistence of regional disparities in service provision.
What is the primary goal of the study?
The aim is to identify the underlying explanatory factors for the persistent gap between the demand and supply of formal childcare for children under three in the selected countries.
Which research methodology is employed?
The study utilizes a comparative case study approach based on a "most similar case design," analyzing nations with shared characteristics such as conservative welfare models, low fertility rates, and similar childcare coverage challenges.
What topics are discussed in the main body of the work?
The main body provides descriptive overviews of recent family policies in each country, examines regional variations, analyzes the role of government investment, and explores the correlation between childcare supply and female labor market outcomes.
Which keywords best describe this research?
Key terms include Barcelona Objectives, childcare infrastructure, female labor participation, work-family reconciliation, conservative welfare state, and familialism.
How does the Italian approach to childcare differ from that of Germany or Austria?
While Germany and Austria have focused on various "policy-mix" adjustments and parental leave reforms, Italy is described as having a "frozen" family policy system that relies heavily on informal care arrangements, such as grandparents, despite regional attempts at innovation.
What role does regionalism play in the childcare gap?
Regionalism is a major challenge in all three countries. For example, Germany shows stark differences between East and West, while Italy exhibits clear disparities between its northern and southern regions regarding the availability and accessibility of public childcare.
- Quote paper
- Patricia Weber (Author), 2013, Political dynamics and policy shifts against the background of the Barcelona objectives, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.hausarbeiten.de/document/267927
