East Africa bordering the Indian Ocean is known as the Swahili coast, and it is home to the Swahili people. The claims surrounding a Swahili-Roman connection, dating back to the first century C.E., have prompted a great deal of academic investigation into the Rufiji River and the Mafia archipelago. One of the Roman trading posts along the Indian Ocean route called Rhapta has been proposed here. The discovery of Rhapta contribute to ongoing discussions surrounding the Indian Ocean trade along the Swahili coast between 100BC and 400 CE.
The commerce of the Indian Ocean, frequently referred to as the "Maritime Silk Road," constitutes a network of trade routes that spans the extensive area of the Indian Ocean. Throughout its history, the Indian Ocean Trade experienced several significant peaks, particularly characterised by direct maritime links between Bronze Age Egypt and India through the Red Sea. The Indo-Mediterranean trade network, which reached Japan during the early Yayoi period, further substantiated this assertion. Trade between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Greece and India commenced approximately in 130 BC. The Roman conquest of the Mediterranean region led to a significant reduction in the taxes imposed by intermediaries along various land-based trade routes, as well as a substantial increase in direct maritime commerce with India.
During the initial two centuries of the Common Era, there was a significant rise in commerce between Rome and India. Scott and colleagues (2021) revealed evidence indicating that the Indus Valley Civilisation engaged in significant interactions with East Africa. Examining the evidence and methodologies employed in the investigation of the relationship between the Swahili Coast and the Roman world will facilitate a clearer understanding of the assertions made. The Swahili coast continues to be a region that has not been thoroughly examined within the context of early maritime exchanges in the Indian Ocean rim. This work is pertinent to the current context of historical archaeology and the decolonisation process, as well as to demonstrate the importance of diversifying archaeological research in less familiar regions.
Christina Upendo Feza 28-07-2023
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Figure 1:Map of Swahili Coast (Figure by George Tsiagalakis / CC-BY-SA-4 licence)
REVISITING THE SWAHILI-ROMAN CONNECTION BETWEEN 100 B.C TO 400 C.E
What evidence used to make trade claims?
Abstract
East Africa bordering the Indian Ocean is known as the Swahili coast, and it is home to the Swahili people. The claims surrounding a Swahili-Roman connection, dating back to the first century C.E., have prompted a great deal of academic investigation into the Rufiji River and the Mafia archipelago. One of the Roman trading posts along the Indian Ocean route called Rhapta has been proposed here (Chami, 1998, 1999, 2001, 2004). The discovery of Rhapta contribute to ongoing discussions surrounding the Indian Ocean trade along the Swahili coast between 100BC and 400 CE.
Keywords: ancient contacts between cultures, the Swahili-Roman contact story, archeological evidence, and cultural-historical approach.
Commencement: The Indiaan Ocean Trade
The commerce of the Indian Ocean, frequently referred to as the "Maritime Silk Road," constitutes a network of trade routes that spans the extensive area of the Indian Ocean (Sarathi, 2018: 23-24). Throughout its history, the Indian Ocean Trade experienced several significant peaks, particularly characterised by direct maritime links between Bronze Age Egypt and India through the Red Sea. The Indo-Mediterranean trade network, which reached Japan during the early Yayoi period, further substantiated this assertion (Scott et al., 2021). Trade between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Greece and India commenced approximately in 130 BC (McLaughlin, 2010; Casson, 1989). The Roman conquest of the Mediterranean region led to a significant reduction in the taxes imposed by intermediaries along various land-based trade routes, as well as a substantial increase in direct maritime commerce wi th India (Casson, 1989). During the initial two centuries of the Common Era, there was a significant rise in commerce between Rome and India (Casson, 1989). Scott and colleagues (2021) revealed evidence indicating that the Indus Valley Civilisation engaged in significant interactions with East Africa. Examining the evidence and methodologies employed in the investigation of the relationship between the Swahili Coast and the Roman world will facilitate a clearer understanding of the assertions made. The Swahili coast continues to be a region that has not been thoroughly examined within the context of early maritime exchanges in the Indian Ocean rim (Seland, 2014). This work is pertinent to the current context of historical archaeology and the decolonisation process, as well as to demonstrate the importance of diversifying archaeological research in less familiar regions.
Chapter 1:Critical Analysis of Archaeological Methods in Studying Cultural Contacts
1 Introduction
Before we look at cultural contact approaches, here is how scholars have defined “culture”. Wolf and Jones assert that "culture" denotes boundaries or borders (Wolf, 1984:393-400). The notion that cultural boundaries are not intrinsic but are instead numerous and intentionally constructed by individuals, as noted by Hodder (2008:23-42). The scholars contend that culture should not be viewed as a static, predetermined entity; rather, it is a dynamic and fluid construct that is continuously evolving, influenced by individual actions and interactions. The scholars highlight the role of individuals in shaping and redefining cultural boundaries, contesting the idea that culture is a singular and static construct.
Consequently, cultural identities and boundaries are subject to contestation and renegotiation (Hodder, 2008). In the examination of cultural contact, archaeologists typically recognize foreign interactions by analyzing alien artifacts found within archaeological records and noting abrupt shifts in material culture that emerge alongside the pre-existing culture (Garvey, 2018). Subsequently, these indications undergo evaluation and interpretation through established theories. The objectives are to develop concepts regarding specific conditions— such as the emergence of various networks, and the manifestation of shared characteristics in material culture—which necessitate empirical investigation. We are going to look at the theories that will aid in the development of hypotheses that can address our inquiry.
2 World System Theory
World systems theory delineates the interactions that occur across various landscapes and examines the global allocation of power and resources (Chase- Dunn et al., 2011). The authors elucidated how the theory contests the notion of cultural boundaries as static, Lerner maintained his own perspective and argued that all systems are subject to environmental influences, have causal boundaries, and can be characterized by their structure, function, and role in communicating with other systems (1994). He further argued that artifacts and cultures play a role in the "organized relationship" that exists between humans and their environments (Lerner, 1994:58-60). The availability of certain resources or production specialization forms the basis of Wallerstein’s notion of systems, which allows one to see the power structure—i.e., the core or periphery—through a casual border (Wallerstein, 2004). According to Wallerstein (2004:17), archaeologists have used this idea to identify the system's center and its perimeter. The distinctions between these two zones are often based on geography, culture, or both. The use of technology is crucial in classifying locations as either central, peripheral, or transitional, as pointed out by Kostoska and Renfrew (Kostoska et al., 2020:1-24, Renfrew, 1982).
3 The Social Theory
Social theory remains a highly contested topic within archaeological research, primarily due to its broad generalizations (Gerring, 2011:11). Scholars in archaeology and anthropology concur that an examination of material remains necessitates an understanding of the essential principles governing socio-beings within their social contexts, as well as the recognition of artifacts or objects as products of these social interactions (Gjessing, G. et al. 1975:323-341). It encompasses an examination of class structures, the inequalities present in wealth distribution, the role of institutions such as organized religion, and the expressions found in material culture (Hicks, 2010: 25-98). This framework further examines the historical intricacies of urban social structures (Dolwick, 2009: 21-49). For instance, the social intricacies of the Swahili prior to the relevant period may elucidate the manner in which the Swahili people engaged with the Romans.
4 Middle Range Theory
Middle-range theory, initially formulated in the field of sociology during the 1950s, provides a coherent framework that enables the verification or challenge of working hypotheses (Raab & Goodyear, 1984). Archaeologists, for instance, interpret off-site scatters of potsherds as indicative of cultivation practices and this practical method serves as an intermediary between the distinct facets of archaeological interpretation (Smith, 2011:168-172) to address inquiries such as "What is the rationale behind this tool's design?" and "What factors influenced the choice of this material over others. Furthermore, it is based on the principles of cause and effect, allowing for an analysis of historical contexts by examining the intensity and manner in which change or innovation may have transpired (Merton, 1967:39). Let us examine the models that not only complement the previously discussed theories but also 3 contribute to addressing the inquiry at hand but it is important to recognize that these models possess inherent limitations.
5 An Examination of a Trade Model
Archaeologists have employed trade models to concentrate on uncovering ancient trade routes and networks, as well as the ways in which various cultures became acquainted with one another (Seland, 2014:362-418). Smith indicates that trade models typically emphasize the circulation of goods and the movement of individuals (Smith, 2004: 73-102). Items from other countries were transported, traded, and exchanged over both short and long distances through various methods (Kohl, 1975; Seland, 2014). Archaeologists examine the spatial distribution of artifacts and their value in exchange (Orser, 1992); for instance, the understanding of regular exchange items can be enhanced by identifying irregular or non-local exchange items. In the absence of evidence indicating destruction or a sloping historical horizon, the presence of sufficient foreign material alongside exact parallels leads Kohl to assert that "contact" may be interpreted as commerce (Kohl, 1975:30-50). Various types of contact are recognized as a form of trade (Chase-Dunn & Hall, 1993: 851-886). Chase-Dunn and Hall examined the concept of regulated contacts and prestige goods chains, which Kohl characterized as interactions overseen and orchestrated by a structured class of merchants, exemplified by the practices of giving and receiving gifts (Kohl, 1975). A more thorough examination of the discourse by Kohl, Chase-Dunn, and Hall can be achieved by considering Stein's application of the trade model. This approach facilitates an analysis of the differing distributions of Uruk and Anatolian Middle Bronze Age material culture at Hacinebi, which in turn reveals the existence of transcultural trade communities (Stein, 1999: 149; Stein & Edens, 1999). The revelation provided a fresh perspective on conventional notions regarding interactions within ethnically and linguistically uniform regions, particularly in relation to material demand and value. A number of scholars, such as Chami (1999: 205-215), have identified the Swahili coast as a significant trading community; thus, utilizing this perspective.
6 Ideology Model
The ideology model in the examination of cultural contacts within archaeology constitutes a theoretical framework that emphasizes the influence of cultural beliefs, values, and ideologies on the interpretation of artifacts (Lightfoot & Martinez, 1995). This cultural historical approach recognizes that human societies are shaped by their cultural beliefs, which influence material culture's creation, use, and interpretation (Lightfoot& Martinez, 1995). By studying cultural contacts through the ideology model, archaeologists aim to understand how different ideologies shape the transmission and exchange of ideas, technologies, and material goods between different cultures throughout history (Hodder, 1985; Lightfoot & Martinez, 1995). Archaeologists investigate the power dynamics of a social group to understand what artifacts represent them (Harris, 2007: 37- 47).
7 A Predictive Model
According to Kohler and Parker (1986:400), predictive modeling is a method that, at the very least, seeks to "anticipate the areas of archaeological sites or materials in a region, using either a regional sample or fundamental notions concerning human behavior." According to Verhagen, the premise of predictive modeling is that placing archaeological relics in a landscape is not random but rather connected to specific elements of the natural environment (Verhagen, 2007: 13-14). It is a scientific ecological perspective developed by statistically comparing archaeological data with "environmental" characteristics; therefore, the predictive model allows Archaeologists to use data to find trends or patterns, then make predictions utilizing those understandings of outcomes (Verhagen, 2012:49-100). This model is handy on landscapes such as the coast of Tanzania because archaeologists can use available data to predict missing links from similar historical landscapes.
8 Discussion
To begin with, implementing any of these options will require exchanging specific values. Ideology model is very dependent on interpretation and individual analysis (Lightfoot & Martinez, 1995). The drawback for this approach is different researchers are likely to come to the same piece of data with their own unique views and sets of preconceived notions, which might result in contradictory narratives (Lightfoot & Martinez, 1995). The problem with using trade models to study archaeological and cultural contacts in Africa is that data may need to be more balanced (Holland-Lulewicz &Roberts, 2022). Trade models frequently depend ondocumentationof material goods traded among various regions, which may be limited for ancient African civilizations (Holland-Lulewicz & Roberts, 2022; Curtin, 1984) with lesser familiarity likeThe Swahili.
Furthermore, interactions in Africa frequently encompassed a broader spectrum beyond mere trade, incorporating the exchange of ideas, languages, and customs, aspects that may not be sufficiently represented in existing trade models (Curtin, 1984). In the context of predictive modeling, challenges may arise from the archaeological database, especially in mitigating bias (Peter et al., 2020;
Kvamme, 2006: 3-38). Each observational process inherently involves interpreting the surrounding environment. This approach poses the risk of creating disconnect from local contexts, potentially diminishing their relevance (Shanks & Tilley, 1987:14). Trade models are frequently utilized to investigate development dynamics and to comprehend the connections between the first and third worlds (Stein, 1999; Brughmans, 2013) which constitutes the specific focus of this study. However, taking the strong points from all the models focusing on a number of leads, we can verify questions like, what kind of commodities were distributed by the Romans? What are the levels of influence between the two cultures? Where are the circulation points?
Chapter 2:Social Structure from 100 B.C to 400 C.E
9 Key Cultural Transformations and the Period
The Swahili or coastal culture developed within the framework of the coastal environment and the diverse cultures, characterized by a Bantu influence in East Africa during the First Millennium C.E (Chami, 1994: 17; Spear, 2000: 257). The Bantu people were advanced metallurgical skills, particularly in iron smelting, which they utilized to manufacture weapons thereby enhancing both security and sustainability for the coastal inhabitants (Childs, 1989). The Swahili demonstrated notable expertise in boat construction and navigation (Chittick, 1974:235). The evolution of culture was marked by trade, complex pottery industries documented in various reports (Horton 1984:260-61; Chittick 1974: 317). By the conclusion of the First Millennium C.E, various metals, such as gold and lead, were extracted and refined (Chittick, 1984: 211). Studies show that the first half of the second millennium C.E, there was a significant increase in socio-cultural and economic developments, characterised by the establishment of an urban socio-economy hence the construction of stone towns, which were built using coral limestones that were bonded together with lime mortar for example Stonetown, Mombasa and Kilwa (Ichumbaki 2016; Ichumbaki & Pollard 2015:1-3).
10 Pottery Industries
The Early Iron Age pottery industries are classified under the Urewe tradition, named after a site located northeast of Lake Victoria in Kenya (Soper, 1971). This tradition is recognized for its unique pottery, which is prevalent across the Great Lakes region, extending from Kivu in Eastern Congo to the eastern shores of Lake Victoria. Additional archaeological evidence pertaining to Urewe variation encompasses Lelesu pottery from Central Tanzania and Limbo pottery from the hinterland of Dar es Salaam, dating from the last century B.C to the 1st century C.E (Soper, 1971). Soper also observed the Matola pottery, which constitutes a significant Early Iron Age continuum, specifically from 2nd and 3rd century C.E, spanning from southern Kenya through coastal Mozambique to KwaZulu-Natal. Limbo and Mwangia. Specifically, the Limbo phase is dated from the final decades B.C to approximately the 3rd century C.E (Soper, 1971). In addition to that, A segment of the Eastern Stream or Urewe tradition within the Chifumbaze Early Iron Age complex, originating in the 2nd century C.E and referred to as the Kwale tradition, was identified at a site situated in southeastern Kenya and northern Tanzania (Chami, 1998; Sopper, 1970).Kwale ware, a distinctive form of pottery, is found extensively along the East African coast, particularly in Mozambique and eastern Transvaal, with a dating that places it in the 4th century C.E. (Chami, 1998, Soper, 1970). Kwale-style pottery is distinguished by its thickened rim, reduced bevels, and intricately etched lines, which were subsequently followed by the Triangular Incised Wear (Chami, 1994; 1998, 2006:120).
11 Language
Different people have different ideas about the exact percentage, but historically speaking, between sixteen and twenty percent of Swahili words come from loanwords. The most common of them are Arabic words, but there are also terms from Persian, Hindustani, Portuguese, and Malay (Ali, 2017). Debates among archaeologists and linguists concerning the origin of E.I.W communities are prominent, with Gramly emphasizing the Bantu linguistic origin in the Niger- Benue region and its subsequent dissemination south of the Congo forest (Chami, 1994: 30; Gramly, 1978: 108). (Baumanova & Tramutoli, 2022: 4-6). There are cognates for a large portion of the Bantu lexicon in Swahili in the East African Bantu languages as well as in Unguja, Pemba, and Mijikenda (Polomé 1967).
12 Burial Practices
A comprehensive literature review has illuminated various aspects of burial customs along the Swahili coast during the specified time period. Notably, the excavated tombs from the First Millennium C.E, which contain burnt shell disc beads at Kwa Mgogo, alongside the substantial ash mound featuring discarded land snail shell beads at Gonja Maore (located in the lowlands west of Mombo), serve as compelling evidence of ritual practices that regard beads as significant social symbols (Walz & Dussubieux, 2022: 279). Chami provided a concise explanation of Swahili coastal tombs constructed from lime, coral stone, and various marine materials in his overview of the Swahili coast during the first millennium C.E (Chami, 1994:45). An image of Early Iron Working Tomb can be found in the Tanzanian tourism blog (www.tanzaniatourism.com).
13 Political Structure
According to Middleton, towns exhibited characteristics of friendliness, egalitarianism, and hospitality (Middleton, 1992:14-15). Spear provided the social structure in Stone Town during the period in question and that it was limited to upper-class citizens (Spear, 2000: 276). He noted that towns were complex, economically distinct commercial centers where upper-class residents fulfilled a range of functions, including offering financial backing for business transactions, and constructing and maintaining ships (Spear, 2000:276).
14 Overview
Even though there is room for further research all the social structure of the Swahili coast in the period concerned, this chapter highlights essential insights from scholars regarding the multicultural environment of the Swahili coast, which emerged as a consequence of Bantu migration during the first millennium C.E. The second point concerns the social systems that are conducive to welcoming outsiders or enabling Swahili individuals to establish relationships with foreigners. The "Urban Origins in Eastern Africa" project, played an important role in establishing a chronological framework for ancient coastal settlements while analyzing their socioeconomic structures and ethnic compositions (Chami, 1994: 14-16). Also Excavations and surveys conducted in Mafia, Rufiji, Pangani, and Unguja Ukuu have demonstrated the breadth of trade networks (Pawlowicz et al., 2014:119-139) which will be listed in the following chapter.
Chapter 3:Reviewing the External Contacts on the Swahili Coast from 100 B.C to 400 C.E
Archaeological Evidence
15 Chole, Bwejuu, Mwamba Ukuta and Kisimani Sites
The underwater archaeological excavation revealed multiple scatters of Middle Eastern pottery, some buried in sand and others embedded in stone, across an area of eighty-five square meters adjacent to the existing port on Chole Island (Bita et al., 2022: 30).
16 Kuumbi Cave, Zanzibar
Two Chinese coins were discovered at the Kuumbi cave site in Zanzibar, each weighing four grams and measuring between twenty and twenty-point-five millimeters in diameter (Chami, 2004). Chami indicated that the coins in question are characteristic of North Song coins, commonly referred to as Chinese Cash dating ack approxmimately, 3rd Century,B.C (Chami , 2004).
17 Misasa and Erikamedu
The morphology of Triangular Incised Wear (T.I.W) and Early Tana Wear (T.W) pottery discovered in Misasa exhibited similarities to the 200 C.E Red Polished Wear (R.P.W.) found in Erikamedu and various other sites in India (Hawkes & Wynne-Jones, 2015: 33, 39-44). The reports indicate significant variation in the characteristics of the following elements: the rim diameter, which ranges from 10 to over 30 cm; the body thickness, varying from a few millimeters to a centimeter; the degree of shoulder carination; and the profile of the rim, which is predominantly beveled (Chami, 1994:79; Hawkes & Wynne-Jones, 2015:44). These variations suggest an earlier connection between the Swahili and India.
Environmental Evidence
18 Mikindani Sites
Pawlowicz noted that, there was a sudden increase in Mikindani's population during the late second millennium (Pawlowicz, 2017: 16) due to the Indian Ocean trade. Mikindani sites exhibited a diverse range of Early Iron Working traditions, including Kwale, Nkope, Mwangia and Triangular Incised Wear, all which are also found in Southern Africa (Pawlowicz, 2017:10).
19 Monsoon Winds
Library of Congress Blog (Report by Raines, 2022) indicates that merchants from Arabia, Asia, and East Africa have navigated the Indian Ocean since prehistoric times. Fischer's studies on monsoon dynamics in 1993 revealed that a Northward-moving current from the Somali Current system transported lower-salinity water across Socotra (Fischer et al., 1996). The report of Shott and McCreary Jr. (2001) indicated that, a low-latitude northwesterly flow exists along the west coast of India. This flow does not coalesce into a coherent westward pattern, nor does it integrate into the north and westward flow into the Somali Current south of India. Nonetheless, there has been an influx observed in the 5-10°N band as it approaches Somalia as Shott and McCreary Jr disclosed (2001:62). October to November: With the subsidence of the Southwest Monsoon, the Great Whirl reestablishes its presence, while the cross-equatorial Somali Current once again flows offshore at 3°N (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:42). The northward-moving current constituted a significant transport current (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:40).
Figure 2 below: A map representation of the Indian Ocean region. The arrows illustrate the surface wind pattern (Zhao, 2012:47).
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The Figure 3 below: A schematic illustration of the Somali transport current curve that was measured August of 1993 (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:11).
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The Figure 4 below: A schematic illustration of the identified current branches during the Southwest Monsoon in July/August (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:13).
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The Figure 5 below: A schematic illustration of the transport current branches winds blowing North-east in Jan/Feb (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:14).
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Figures referebces:Figure 2 is The examination of global trade and the Swahili cosmopolitan material culture is exemplified through the analysis of Chinese-style ceramic shards discovered at Sanje ya Kati and Songo Mnara, located in Kilwa, Tanzania. (Zhao, 2012:47) This study is presented in a scientific figure available on ResearchGate. Accessible at: https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Monsoons-and-port-sites-of-the-western-Indian-Ocean-Map-by-the-author fig1 254952363 . Figure 4 and 5 both refer to South Equatorial Current (SEC), South Equatorial Countercurrent (SECC), Northeast and Southeast Madagascar Current (NEMC and SEMC), East African Coast Current (EACC), Somali Current (SC), Southern Gyre (SG), Great Whirl (GW), along with the associated upwelling wedges, Socotra Eddy (SE), Ras al Hadd Jet (RHJ), and the upwelling wedges off Oman. Additionally, the West Indian Coast Current (WICC), Laccadive High and Low (LH and LL), East Indian Coast Current (EICC), Southwest and Northeast Monsoon Current (SMC and NMC), South Java Current (JC), and Leeuwin Current (LC) are also noted (Shott & McCreary Jr., 2001:13).
Archaeobotanical Evidence
20 Coconut Remains
Coconut remains discovered in Misasa, situated in Rufiji, dating back to 400 CE, serve as evidence of early agricultural exchange between Asia and the Swahili coast (Chami, 2021). Scholars assert that the evidence of coconut at Mlongo suggests a subpopulation from Southeast Asian reached the region through Austronesian interactions with Madagascar (Kwekason & Walz, 2022).
21 Asian Crops
The Sealink project, gathered archaeobotanical data from various sites along the coastal regions and Islands of East Africa between 2010 and 2013 (Crowther et al., 2016). The results of the project indicated the presence of crops with Asian origins, such as mung beans and rice grains, as well as seeds dating from 6th century C.E onwards except Pearl Millet dating 3rd century C.E in their PNAS article (Crowther et al., 2016:2). Another report from various archaeobotanical studies in India by Ankita, Pokharia and colleagues identified crops of African origin found in the Upper Indus during the Early Harappan period, approximately 3000-2500 B.C (Pokharia et al., 2014; Ankita, 2025). All in all, these reports underscore a significant knowledge gap regarding the crop exchange between the two regions of the Indian Ocean.
Chapter 4. The Evidence for Interactions with the Roman World from 100 B.C to 400 C.E
22 The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea
The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea represents a first-century C.E Roman-era compendium detailing trade and navigation practices within the Indian Ocean (Seland, 2016:192-193). Seland describes The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea as an anonymous Greek treatise comprising six thousand three hundred words. While primarily centered on trade, it also addresses aspects of geography, ethnography, history, and geopolitics, spanning from Egypt in the west to the Malay Peninsula in the east (Seland, 2016:192-193). The document illustrates that the Romans employed various routes to organize expeditions for traversing the Sahara desert (Schoff, 1912:3-4; Casson, 1989). For instance, the Niger River and the routes to Timbuktu through Western Sahara or the Canary Islands were utilized, while the areas of Somalia and possibly Tanzania (Zanzibar) were accessed via the Red Sea (Chami, 2015; Casson, 1980:21-36). Seland asserts that expeditions had commercial objectives with the exception of the expedition led by Emperor Nero in 62 C.E (Seland, 2016:199-205). Emperor Nero expedition seems to have served as a precursor to a proposed conquest of Ethiopia or Nubia, a perspective supported by scholars such as Buckley & Martin (2013:364).
23 Pliny the Elder
In the first century C.E, Pliny the Elder documented the endeavors of Lucius Cornelius Balbus, who spearheaded the inaugural Roman expedition in alignment with Augustus' ambition to expand the Roman Empire in 19 B.C who dispatched explorers and traders to traverse the coasts of Africa (Encyclopedia Britannica, 1911).
24 Ptolemaeus
The work titled "Geography," encompassing Books 2 through 6.11, authored by Claudius Ptolemy (circa 87-150 C.E), has undergone translation by various scholars, notably including Brady Kiesling, from the Greek texts established by Karl Nobbe (1843) and Karl Muller (1883). Ptolemaeus referenced Rhapta in the narrative of Diogenes, an Indian trader who, having been diverted from his customary route from India, reached Rhapta. This location was positioned where the river of the same name (Rhapton) flows into the Indian Ocean, directly across from the island of Menouthias, following a journey of 25 days southward along the African coast (Smith W, 1854; Stefanou et al., 2013). McLaughlin discusses another Greek captain, Theophilos, who journeyed from the Horn of Africa to Rhapta in a span of twenty days, a voyage also referenced by Ptolemy in 4.7.12 (McLaughlin, 2014:126).
Archaeological Evidence
25 Rufiji Delta
Archaeologists identified three Roman beads associated with a Limbo tradition, akin to that of Kwale, dating from 100-400 CE notably described as "dark blue" (Chami & Mapunda, 1998:72), in proximity to the Nkukutu-Kibiti area of the Rufiji Delta (Chami & Mapunda, 1998), Chami and Mapunda's discovery of beads in the Rufiji delta serves as the earliest evidence of Roman-Swahili connection.
26 Mafia Archipelago
Roman terra sigillata, a type of Mediterranean pottery, was unearthed at depths ranging from 5 to 12 meters in Chole Bay (see Figure IV), within the context of an Early Iron Working Tradition site (Bita et al., 2022). The findings included fishing traps, a technology believed to have been utilized by the Romans (Bita et al., 2022). At Mwamba Ukuta, substantial linear blocks were discovered, and their flat (see Figure,III), treated surfaces indicate that they were likely created using a framework in which the building materials were amalgamated and compressed, a method akin to that employed by the Romans, as noted by Delate, Bita, and their associates (Bita et al., 2022: 37; Delate, 2001). Delate notes that the materials employed bear resemblance to those used in Roman practices, which incorporated lime and grog, consisting of quartz, clays, feldspar, and calcite grains, in their concrete formulations (Delate, 2001). The site boasts a T.I.W tradition that dates back to the third century C.E.Images of the remaining structure of the port wall at Mwamba Ukuta, and images of Roman pottery discovered in Chole Bay, are found in Bita and colleagues report (2022:31,37).
Chapter 5:Rhapta within the Network
27 Rhapta on the Swahili Coast
Chami and other scholars posit that the Rhapta Emporium, recognized as a significant cultural and commercial center along the East African coast, was situated either on the banks of the Rufiji River, just south of Dar es Salaam, or at the Chole and Mwamba Ukuta sites within the Mafia archipelago (Bita et al., 2022). They elucidated that Rhapta functioned as a vital link in the trade route that connected Mediterranean clientele with present-day Indonesia, with the monsoon winds playing a significant role in facilitating the westward transport of goods (Bita et al., 2022; Gupta, 2016). The evidence, as demonstrated, predominantly relies on literary elaborations as viewed in Graeco-Roman documents, whereas the sites in Rufiji and Mafia Archipelago offering limited Roman material evidence. The prevailing view regarding the sites under discussion is that the Tanzanian coast engaged in trade with the Romans, with Rhapta emerging as a consequence of that exchange.
28 An examination
In Seland’s 2016 report, the illustrations of what he refered to as Roman or "western" involvement in the early Indian Ocean commerce, according to the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea highlighted approximately 57 locations and 110 items referenced in the text were systematically organized facilitating the creation of a database that can be represented as a network. Each node within the network was designated based on its specific function or goods that were exchanged; for example, include “drinking vessels” (Seland, 2016:199-203).
Each location mentioned, including Rhapta as referenced in the text, was assigned a geographical position—whether accurate or merely an estimation (Seland, 2016)—and functioned as nodes within the networks. The close proximity of ports has led to what Seland refers to as a proximal point network (Seland, 2016). Consequently, determining the timing of arrivals and departures, as well as the appropriateness of the assigned periods, becomes challenging. The proximal point network is a conceptually clear approach for the minimization of a function and associated risk management (Drusvyatskiy, 2017:1-7). Each proximal sub-problem initially seems to be as complex as the original task of minimizing the function or risk (Drusvyatskiy, 2017:1-7). Notwithstanding the improved conditioning, it remains necessary to employ an iterative solver for each proximal sub-problem. The proximal bundle regularity condition approximates the function in the vicinity of the minimizer, indicating that a local minimizer is both sharp and efficient (Drusvyatskiy, 2017:5). Therefore, proximal point technique is valuable and theoretically superior when integrated with regional variations and an appropriate solution for the sub- problems.
29 Criticism of Evidence
A number of scholars have raised critiques regarding Rhapta, particularly in relation to the archaeological evidence presented. Professor Thomas Spear served as a founder and principal editor of Oxford Bibliographies: African Studies from 2011 to 2017, and he has been the principal editor of the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History since 2015. In 2000, Spear revised the early history of Swahili and stated;
"Even though the Lionel Casson edition of the Periplus combines rigorous, insightful translation (Casson, 1989) and describes the principal trading centers and their role in Indian Ocean trade up to the Azanian (Tanzanian) coast, in order to use the text effectively,there need to be solid archaeological, linguistic, or sociological correlates for 'Rhapta' and other locations named in the book"(Spear, 2000: 279).
Spear's recognition of the East African coast's significance in various trade networks since 2500 B.C (Spear, 2000:279-280) is commendable; however, it is important to note that the archaeological evidence pertaining to the Romans is both fragmented and limited, primarily serving to validate pre-existing assumptions derived from textual sources. Horton and colleagues have presented a critique of Rhapta's assertions, positing that the initial ceramic sequences found in Swahili settlements are indicative of Cushitic individuals (Wright, 2005:119), and that the impact of Cushitic loanwords on Swahili society was minimal; however, Chami contests this claim by emphasizing a lineage that traces back to early Bantu proto-cultures dating from the Neolithic period (Chami, 2021).
30 Synopsis
The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea offers significant insights into the trade networks that were prevalent in the Roman world. Despite the inherent limitations it serves as a significant resource for comprehending the economic and cultural interactions that transpired between the Romans and various African regions. The diverse locations and commodities referenced in the texts as illustrated by Seland (2016:199-203) illustrate the intricate network of relationships that prevailed among various ports and trading hubs. Moreover, the notion of a proximal point network underscores the significance of coastal areas in enabling trade and transportation. In the subsequent chapter, I will examine chapters one through four of this work, followed by concluding observations regarding the evidence for interactions between the Swahili Coast and the Roman world, as well as the employed methodology
Chapter 6:Methodological Analysis
31 The Preeminence of Literary Evidence
Historical accounts provided essential details regarding chronology, location, physical descriptions of the inhabitants, and material culture in Rhapta. Given the significant importance of ancient historical records in archaeological research, providing evidence that may support the accounts documented in ancient literature to a certain extent, Carl Trueman (2010:16-52) but at the same instance, highlights that such accounts often lack impartiality due to their translation by contemporary individuals and their recounting by figures from the past, which ultimately renders them un-confirmable beyond a reasonable doubt. While literary sources may occasionally obscure the interpretation of archaeological findings, they remain essential components in constructing a comprehensive understanding of historical contexts (Shanks & Carman, 1995; Trigger, 1998). Nevertheless, the over scrutiny of such sources being engaged in areas that have been largely overlooked, such as the Swahili coast, is that, it supports the ongoing debates concerning their validity in archaeological research.
32 Equating Individual Discoveries with Trade
The typology on findings could result in a deterministic approach to archaeological interpretations even when they are extremely few. In chapter one, we observed that artifacts can be classified as cultural contact when they display notable differences from other items in archaeological records and demonstrate sudden shifts in materiality, as was evident in the Roman sites we examined. To critically examine the archaeological evidence pertaining to Roman traders along the Tanzanian coast or Rhapta, one can expect that the frequency of pauses, as indicated by the proximal point network, will be evident in the volume of discoveries made. Verhagen (2012) notes that linking isolated discoveries with 'commerce' is a common mistake in archaeological interpretation.
33 Cultural Historical Methodology
The examination of chapter three regarding the present condition of Swahili archaeology reveals the impact of Indian Ocean trade on population growth and the emergence of cultural diversity. The evidence of a shared cultural legacy across the Indian Ocean presented in previous chapters, highlighting the cultural interactions and integrations that characterized the period in question. This approach has gained prominence in Africa due to the perceived low archaeological value associated with certain periods in antiquity (Stahl, 2009:241) such as the Indian Ocean, alongside contemporary colonial entanglements and the main objective was topromote researchthat spans multiple disciplines. Consequently, the existence of Rhapta represents a significant milestone regarding dispelling misconceptions aboutThe Swahiliidentity and contributions to global scale aligning with theobjectiveand accomplishments of mid-twentieth-century archaeologists.
34 An Expanded Perspective
The world systems theory elucidates the interactive zones, while the trade model delineates the distribution patterns observed along the Swahili coast. Consequently, researchers were not required to depend heavily on the historical data if we are too use that model. However based on Rhapta claim, we are required to look at the frequency of their connection /meeting through artifacts as evidenced by the network technique employed by researchers to assert the function of Rhapta on the Tanzanian coast. Network analysis, on a qualitative level, distinguishes itself from traditional historical and sociological methods through its explicit emphasis on frequency of connection as part of a functioning network, rather than solely on individual accounts.
Chapter 7:Conclusion
Our inquiry began with seeking clarity for the Swahili-Roman connection. The importance of this endeavor regarding the Roman world, extending to Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly the Swahili coast, is essential for the progress of archaeological understanding. The international connections along the Swahili coast have facilitated our progress toward adopting a global perspective to do away with the notion of isolated communities in antiquity. Through the entirety of this analysis I have come to two a two part conclusion.
35 Part 1: Implications
Upon investigating the actual evidence of the trade relationship between the Romans and the Swahili, I found that the frequency of their contact could not be established, nor could it be determined whether they could be classified as trade contacts. In my analysis of the physical evidence, I employed the trade model, aligning with the network approach, also utilized by scholars to substantiate their claims. Through deductive reasoning, I find myself unable to clarify the assertions regarding the trading activities between the Roman world and the Swahili because I was unable to clarify the degree of influence exerted by social and political factors based on the data available. Nor was I able to determine the frequently traded items based on scarcity of findings on the discussed Roman sites. We must take into consideration that, due to political unrest in some countries along the Swahili coast such as Somalia, archaeological research has been limited
36 Part II: Recommendations
It is my contention that the discussed Roman sites were connected to the Network between 100 B.C and 400 C.E, As previously discussed, the network function extended beyond the mere exchange of goods; it also encompassed the management of risks associated with weather phenomena, particularly those induced by monsoon winds. I recommend more underwater research, akin to the work undertaken at Mwamba Ukuta in Mafia, but extended to other neighboring locations. This approach aims to facilitate the discovery of additional trade artifacts that have not reached the beaches, as numerous ships have sunk throughout history. The data obtained from this will further elucidate the frequency of travel along the Tanzanian or Swahili coasts. I propose a focused investigation of the Swahili coast to trace to smaller regional networks located inland towards the shores in order to reveal material patterns within Indian Ocean commerce. By doing this, —interregional trade networks and underwater archaeology—one get clarity concerning Rhapta.
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