This paper investigates Facebook’s role in the Rohingya crisis. The term Rohingya is widely used to name the Muslim ethnic minority in Rakhine (also known as Arakan) State, Myanmar. Myanmar, with its prevalently Buddhist population, systematically oppressed the group (for example Rohingyas are denied citizenships, which makes it impossible for the Rohingyas to enjoy the state’s welfare system, etc.).
In respond to this maltreatment, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked several police stations in the Rakhine state in 2017. Myanmar’s armed forces retaliated with atrocities against the Rohingya Muslim minority so fiercely and brutally, that even the extra funded UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (IIFFMM) reasoned that there was genocidal interest in Myanmar’s so-called anti-terrorist actions. In 2019, more than 900,000 Rohingya refugees were counted in the neighboring Bangladesh. The genocide and other mass atrocities are still on-going.
Table of Contents
1. Facebook’s role in the Rohingya Conflict
2. An approach to viral ‘Grievances’
2.1. The ‘Grievance’ Thesis by Collier and Hoeffler
2.2. ‘Grievances’ of Buddhist Nationalists towards Rohingyas (via Facebook)
2.3. Subsumption of the ‘Grievance Model’ to the case of Myanmar
3. Conclusion and recommended course of action
Objectives and Themes
This paper examines the instrumental role of Facebook in the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, analyzing how the platform facilitated the spread of inflammatory hate speech and contributed to the justification of violence against the Muslim minority. Utilizing a grievance-based theoretical framework, it explores the intersection of social media, ultranationalist narratives, and state-sanctioned misinformation.
- The role of Facebook as a primary media platform in Myanmar.
- Application of the Collier-Hoeffler ‘Grievance Model’ to the Myanmar conflict.
- The impact of Buddhist ultranationalist rhetoric and ‘MaBaTha’ influence.
- Misuse of official platforms for anti-Rohingya propaganda.
- Recommendations for more effective moderation of ‘dangerous speech’.
Excerpt from the Book
2.2. ‘Grievances’ of Buddhist Nationalists towards Rohingyas (via Facebook)
This essay will focus on the ultra-nationalist movement, represented by the ‘Association for Protection of Race and Religion’ (in the following referred to as ‘MaBaTha’, its Burmese acronym) and on the Burmese government and military (also known as Tatmadaw). Historical grievances, like the Muslims’ dubious reputation of having been close allies to the British colonialists, are left out.20 Specifically, the role of Facebook posts in spreading the following grievances will be examined.
Grievances by the MaBaTha
The Buddhist ultranationalist movement appeared as a major player in the Rohingya conflict in 2012.21 The movement and namely the MaBaTha address the deep-rooted fears of demographic changes and a therein following Islamization and identity loss of Myanmar.22 The Burmese population, surrounded by states with an Islamic majority (Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia),23 consider themselves as guards of the “Western Gate” – based on a narrative which assumes that if Buddhists in Rakhine do not stand their ground against the Muslims, the entire country and finally whole South East Asia would become Islamic. Beneath the religious “Islamic threat”, ultranationalists picture Muslims as generally greedy, intolerant towards other faiths and intrusive towards Buddhist women, who are forced to marry Muslim men. The Muslim minority is stylized as a dangerous and spreading disease within the Burmese society,24 even though the Muslim population represent mere five percent of Myanmar’s populace.c 25
Summary of Chapters
1. Facebook’s role in the Rohingya Conflict: Provides an introduction to the persecution of the Rohingya and the subsequent lawsuit filed against Meta, highlighting the platform's struggle to moderate hate speech in Myanmar.
2. An approach to viral ‘Grievances’: Establishes the theoretical framework by applying the grievance model to explain how inter-group hostilities and narratives of exclusion are propagated via social media.
2.1. The ‘Grievance’ Thesis by Collier and Hoeffler: Examines the scholarly background of grievance-driven conflict and justifies the use of this specific lens to analyze the situation in Rakhine.
2.2. ‘Grievances’ of Buddhist Nationalists towards Rohingyas (via Facebook): Analyzes how extremist groups like MaBaTha utilize digital platforms to frame Muslims as an existential threat to Buddhist identity and national security.
2.3. Subsumption of the ‘Grievance Model’ to the case of Myanmar: Critically evaluates the applicability of the grievance theory in the context of the Myanmar conflict, noting discrepancies regarding minority versus majority motivations.
3. Conclusion and recommended course of action: Summarizes the findings and proposes more stringent moderation measures, specifically advocating for the shift from ‘hate speech’ to ‘dangerous speech’ terminology.
Keywords
Rohingya, Myanmar, Facebook, Hate Speech, Dangerous Speech, Buddhist Ultranationalism, MaBaTha, Tatmadaw, Grievance Model, Human Rights, Genocide, Digital Colonialism, Social Media, Misinformation, Rakhine State.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the core focus of this research paper?
The paper investigates how Facebook has functioned as a catalyst for hate speech and violence against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar.
Which central thematic fields are covered?
It covers media studies, conflict analysis, the impact of algorithms on ethnic tensions, and the political influence of religious ultranationalist movements.
What is the primary research goal or question?
The goal is to understand the role of Facebook in the Rohingya crisis and evaluate whether the ‘Grievance Model’ helps categorize the underlying causes of this specific conflict.
Which scientific methodology is applied?
The paper utilizes a qualitative document analysis and applies a theoretical lens—specifically the grievance theory—to analyze contemporary sociopolitical conflict dynamics in Myanmar.
What is addressed in the main body of the work?
The main body detail the lawsuit against Meta, the historical and present grievances propagated by groups like MaBaTha, and the state-level amplification of these narratives.
Which keywords best characterize this work?
Key terms include Rohingya, Facebook, hate speech, Myanmar, MaBaTha, and grievance-based conflict models.
Why focusing specifically on Facebook instead of other social media?
The work explains that Facebook holds a quasi-monopoly in Myanmar, as many citizens access the internet exclusively through preloaded Facebook applications on their mobile devices.
How does the author define the shift from "hate speech" to "dangerous speech"?
The author argues that "dangerous speech" is a more precise term as it specifically identifies content likely to incite or encourage real-world violent actions, moving beyond symbolic rhetoric.
- Quote paper
- Thalita Müller (Author), 2022, Facebook’s Role in the Rohingya Crisis. An Approach to Viral Grievances according to Collier and Hoeffler, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.hausarbeiten.de/document/1316020
